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To be White one had to have perceived "pure" White ancestry. The one-drop rule or hypodescent rule refers to the convention of defining a person as racially black if he or she has any known African ancestry.
This rule meant that those that were mixed race but with some discernible African ancestry were defined as black. The one-drop rule is specific to not only those with African ancestry but to the United States, making it a particularly African-American experience.
The decennial censuses conducted since in the United States created an incentive to establish racial categories and fit people into these categories.
The term " Hispanic " as an ethnonym emerged in the 20th century with the rise of migration of laborers from the Spanish-speaking countries of Latin America to the United States.
Today, the word "Latino" is often used as a synonym for "Hispanic". The definitions of both terms are non-race specific, and include people who consider themselves to be of distinct races Black, White, Amerindian, Asian, and mixed groups.
In contrast to "Latino" or "Hispanic", " Anglo " refers to non-Hispanic White Americans or non-Hispanic European Americans , most of whom speak the English language but are not necessarily of English descent.
One result of debates over the meaning and validity of the concept of race is that the current literature across different disciplines regarding human variation lacks consensus , though within some fields, such as some branches of anthropology, there is strong consensus.
Some studies use the word race in its early essentialist taxonomic sense. Many others still use the term race, but use it to mean a population, clade , or haplogroup.
Others eschew the concept of race altogether, and use the concept of population as a less problematic unit of analysis. Eduardo Bonilla-Silva , Sociology professor at Duke University, remarks,  "I contend that racism is, more than anything else, a matter of group power; it is about a dominant racial group whites striving to maintain its systemic advantages and minorities fighting to subvert the racial status quo.
Color-blind racism thrives on the idea that race is no longer an issue in the United States. The concept of typological race classification in physical anthropology lost credibility around the s and is now considered untenable.
They found a consensus among them that biological races do not exist in humans, but that race does exist insofar as the social experiences of members of different races can have significant effects on health.
The study showed that the race concept was widely used among Chinese anthropologists. Rejection of race ranged from high to low, with the highest rejection rate in the United States and Canada, a moderate rejection rate in Europe, and the lowest rejection rate in Russia and China.
Methods used in the studies reported included questionnaires and content analysis. Three factors, country of academic education, discipline, and age, were found to be significant in differentiating the replies.
Those educated in Western Europe, physical anthropologists, and middle-aged persons rejected race more frequently than those educated in Eastern Europe, people in other branches of science, and those from both younger and older generations.
Since the second half of the 20th century, physical anthropology in the United States has moved away from a typological understanding of human biological diversity towards a genomic and population-based perspective.
Anthropologists have tended to understand race as a social classification of humans based on phenotype and ancestry as well as cultural factors, as the concept is understood in the social sciences.
According to one academic journal entry, where 78 percent of the articles in the Journal of Physical Anthropology employed these or nearly synonymous terms reflecting a bio-race paradigm, only 36 percent did so in , and just 28 percent did in In the United States both scholars and the general public have been conditioned to viewing human races as natural and separate divisions within the human species based on visible physical differences.
With the vast expansion of scientific knowledge in this century, however, it has become clear that human populations are not unambiguous, clearly demarcated, biologically distinct groups.
Evidence from the analysis of genetics e. This means that there is greater variation within "racial" groups than between them. In neighboring populations there is much overlapping of genes and their phenotypic physical expressions.
Throughout history whenever different groups have come into contact, they have interbred. The continued sharing of genetic materials has maintained all of humankind as a single species.
With the vast expansion of scientific knowledge in this century, A survey , taken in Lieberman et al. The same survey, taken in ,  showed the following changing results for anthropologists:.
According to the edition of a popular physical anthropology textbook, forensic anthropologists are overwhelmingly in support of the idea of the basic biological reality of human races.
Gill has said that the idea that race is only skin deep "is simply not true, as any experienced forensic anthropologist will affirm" and "Many morphological features tend to follow geographic boundaries coinciding often with climatic zones.
This is not surprising since the selective forces of climate are probably the primary forces of nature that have shaped human races with regard not only to skin color and hair form but also the underlying bony structures of the nose, cheekbones, etc.
For example, more prominent noses humidify air better. He also states that many biological anthropologists see races as real yet "not one introductory textbook of physical anthropology even presents that perspective as a possibility.
In a case as flagrant as this, we are not dealing with science but rather with blatant, politically motivated censorship". Loring Brace argues that the reason laymen and biological anthropologists can determine the geographic ancestry of an individual can be explained by the fact that biological characteristics are clinally distributed across the planet, and that does not translate into the concept of race.
In fact, we can and do, but it does not make them coherent biological entities. What we do not see, however, is the myriad other traits that are distributed in a fashion quite unrelated to the intensity of ultraviolet radiation.
Where skin color is concerned, all the northern populations of the Old World are lighter than the long-term inhabitants near the equator.
Although Europeans and Chinese are obviously different, in skin color they are closer to each other than either is to equatorial Africans. But if we test the distribution of the widely known ABO blood-group system, then Europeans and Africans are closer to each other than either is to Chinese.
He argues that while forensic anthropologists can determine that a skeletal remain comes from a person with ancestors in a specific region of Africa, categorizing that skeletal as being "black" is a socially constructed category that is only meaningful in the particular context of the United States, and which is not itself scientifically valid.
In , Ann Morning interviewed over 40 American biologists and anthropologists and found significant disagreements over the nature of race, with no one viewpoint holding a majority among either group.
Morning also argues that a third position, "antiessentialism", which holds that race is not a useful concept for biologists, should be introduced into this debate in addition to "constructionism" and "essentialism".
In the same survey Lieberman et al. The authors of the study also examined 77 college textbooks in biology and 69 in physical anthropology published between and Physical anthropology texts argued that biological races exist until the s, when they began to argue that races do not exist.
In contrast, biology textbooks did not undergo such a reversal but many instead dropped their discussion of race altogether. The authors attributed this to biologists trying to avoid discussing the political implications of racial classifications, instead of discussing them, and to the ongoing discussions in biology about the validity of the concept "subspecies".
The authors also noted that some widely used textbooks in biology such as Douglas J. In February , the editors of Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine asked "authors to not use race and ethnicity when there is no biological, scientific, or sociological reason for doing so.
In general, the material on race has moved from surface traits to genetics and evolutionary history. Gissis examined several important American and British journals in genetics, epidemiology and medicine for their content during the — period.
He wrote that "Based upon my findings I argue that the category of race only seemingly disappeared from scientific discourse after World War II and has had a fluctuating yet continuous use during the time span from to , and has even become more pronounced from the early s on ".
The researchers recognized the problems with racial and ethnic variables but the majority still believed these variables were necessary and useful.
A examination of 18 widely used English anatomy textbooks found that they all represented human biological variation in superficial and outdated ways, many of them making use of the race concept in ways that were current in s anthropology.
The authors recommended that anatomical education should describe human anatomical variation in more detail and rely on newer research that demonstrates the inadequacies of simple racial typologies.
Lester Frank Ward , considered to be one of the founders of American sociology, rejected notions that there were fundamental differences that distinguished one race from another, although he acknowledged that social conditions differed dramatically by race.
White sociologist Charlotte Perkins Gilman — , for example, used biological arguments to claim the inferiority of African Americans.
Cooley — theorized that differences among races were "natural," and that biological differences result in differences in intellectual abilities   Edward Alsworth Ross , also an important figure in the founding of American sociology, and an eugenicist , believed that whites were the superior race, and that there were essential differences in "temperament" among races.
Weatherly that called for white supremacy and segregation of the races to protect racial purity. Du Bois — , one of the first African-American sociologists, was the first sociologist to use sociological concepts and empirical research methods to analyze race as a social construct instead of a biological reality.
In his work, he contended that social class , colonialism , and capitalism shaped ideas about race and racial categories. Social scientists largely abandoned scientific racism and biological reasons for racial categorization schemes by the s.
In the United States, federal government policy promotes the use of racially categorized data to identify and address health disparities between racial or ethnic groups.
Doctors have noted that some medical conditions are more prevalent in certain racial or ethnic groups than in others, without being sure of the cause of those differences.
Recent interest in race-based medicine , or race-targeted pharmacogenomics , has been fueled by the proliferation of human genetic data which followed the decoding of the human genome in the first decade of the twenty-first century.
There is an active debate among biomedical researchers about the meaning and importance of race in their research. Proponents of the use of racial categories in biomedicine argue that continued use of racial categorizations in biomedical research and clinical practice makes possible the application of new genetic findings, and provides a clue to diagnosis.
Members of the latter camp often base their arguments around the potential to create genome-based personalized medicine.
Other researchers point out that finding a difference in disease prevalence between two socially defined groups does not necessarily imply genetic causation of the difference.
In an attempt to provide general descriptions that may facilitate the job of law enforcement officers seeking to apprehend suspects, the United States FBI employs the term "race" to summarize the general appearance skin color, hair texture, eye shape, and other such easily noticed characteristics of individuals whom they are attempting to apprehend.
From the perspective of law enforcement officers, it is generally more important to arrive at a description that will readily suggest the general appearance of an individual than to make a scientifically valid categorization by DNA or other such means.
Thus, in addition to assigning a wanted individual to a racial category, such a description will include: One is the system used in the Census when individuals identify themselves as belonging to a particular ethnic group: The other is categories used by the police when they visually identify someone as belonging to an ethnic group, e.
In many countries, such as France , the state is legally banned from maintaining data based on race, which often makes the police issue wanted notices to the public that include labels like "dark skin complexion", etc.
In the United States, the practice of racial profiling has been ruled to be both unconstitutional and a violation of civil rights.
Many consider de facto racial profiling an example of institutional racism in law enforcement. Mass incarceration in the United States disproportionately impacts African American and Latino communities.
Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness , argues that mass incarceration is best understood as not only a system of overcrowded prisons.
Mass incarceration is also, "the larger web of laws, rules, policies, and customs that control those labeled criminals both in and out of prison.
She compares mass incarceration to Jim Crow laws , stating that both work as racial caste systems. Many research findings appear to agree that the impact of victim race in the IPV arrest decision might possibly include a racial bias in favor of white victims.
A study in a national sample of IPV arrests found that female arrest was more likely if the male victim was white and the female offender was black, while male arrest was more likely if the female victim was white.
For both female and male arrest in IPV cases, situations involving married couples were more likely to lead to arrest compared to dating or divorced couples.
Recent work using DNA cluster analysis to determine race background has been used by some criminal investigators to narrow their search for the identity of both suspects and victims.
Similarly, forensic anthropologists draw on highly heritable morphological features of human remains e. In a article, anthropologist Norman Sauer noted that anthropologists had generally abandoned the concept of race as a valid representation of human biological diversity, except for forensic anthropologists.
A specimen may display features that point to African ancestry. In this country that person is likely to have been labeled Black regardless of whether or not such a race actually exists in nature.
Identification of the ancestry of an individual is dependent upon knowledge of the frequency and distribution of phenotypic traits in a population.
This does not necessitate the use of a racial classification scheme based on unrelated traits, although the race concept is widely used in medical and legal contexts in the United States.
In a different approach, anthropologist C. The simple answer is that, as members of the society that poses the question, they are inculcated into the social conventions that determine the expected answer.
They should also be aware of the biological inaccuracies contained in that "politically correct" answer. Skeletal analysis provides no direct assessment of skin color, but it does allow an accurate estimate of original geographical origins.
African, eastern Asian, and European ancestry can be specified with a high degree of accuracy. Africa of course entails "black", but "black" does not entail African.
In association with a NOVA program in about race, he wrote an essay opposing use of the term. The study concluded that "The apportionment of genetic diversity in skin color is atypical, and cannot be used for purposes of classification.
This suggests that classifying humans into races based on skeletal characteristics would necessitate many different "races" being defined.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article is about human races as a social concept and in anthropology. For the sociological concept, see Race and society.
For "the human race" all of humanity , see Human. For the term "race" in biology, see Race biology. Racism in the United States. Archaeological Biological Cultural Linguistic Social.
Actor—network theory Alliance theory Cross-cultural studies Cultural materialism Culture theory Diffusionism Feminism Historical particularism Boasian anthropology Functionalism Interpretive Performance studies Political economy Practice theory Structuralism Post-structuralism Systems theory.
Anthropologists by nationality Anthropology by year Bibliography Journals List of indigenous peoples Organizations. Multiregional hypothesis and Recent single origin hypothesis.
Skin color above and blood type B below are nonconcordant traits since their geographical distribution is not similar. Race and genetics and Human genetic variation.
Race and society and Racialism. Race and ethnicity in the United States. This section needs additional citations to secondary or tertiary sources such as review articles, monographs, or textbooks.
Please add such references to provide context and establish the relevance of any primary research articles cited.
Unsourced or poorly sourced material may be challenged and removed. August Learn how and when to remove this template message. Sociology of race and ethnic relations.
This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources.
Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. January Learn how and when to remove this template message. In Schaefer, Richard T.
Encyclopedia of Race, Ethnicity, and Society, Volume 1. Retrieved 22 August Race is a poor empirical description of the patterns of difference that we encounter within our species.
The billions of humans alive today simply do not fit into neat and tidy biological boxes called races. Science has proven this conclusively.
The concept of race The genetic differences that exist among populations are characterized by gradual changes across geographic regions, not sharp, categorical distinctions.
Groups of people across the globe have varying frequencies of polymorphic genes, which are genes with any of several differing nucleotide sequences.
There is no such thing as a set of genes that belongs exclusively to one group and not to another. The clinal, gradually changing nature of geographic genetic difference is complicated further by the migration and mixing that human groups have engaged in since prehistory.
Human beings do not fit the zoological definition of race. A mountain of evidence assembled by historians, anthropologists, and biologists proves that race is not and cannot be a natural division of human beings.
The New York Times. Retrieved 5 October Each of the major division of humankind, having distinct physical characteristics [example elided].
A group of people sharing the same culture, history, language, etc. Provides 8 definitions, from biological to literary; only the most pertinent have been quoted.
University of California Press. A Genetic and Evolutionary Perspective". New England Journal of Medicine. In Race and Intelligence: Separating Science from Myth.
Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, American Journal of Physical Anthropology. Lee Nobles Morgan as cited in Lee , p. Morgan as cited in Lee , p.
By the late 19th century, the idea that inequality was the basis of natural order , known as the great chain of being , was part of the common lexicon.
Sivanandan Muffoletto McNeilly et al. Psychiatric instrument called the "Perceived Racism Scale" "provides a measure of the frequency of exposure to many manifestations of racism For example, "the association of blacks with poverty and welfare Brace Gill Lee Retrieved 5 September American Journal of Human Genetics.
Cela-Conde and Francisco J. Human Evolution an illustrated introduction. Population and Development Review. American Journal of Public Health.
Genetic surveys and the analyses of DNA haplotype trees show that human "races" are not distinct lineages, and that this is not due to recent admixture; human "races" are not and never were "pure.
The Oxford Handbook of Philosophy and Race. Human populations do not exhibit the levels of geographic isolation or genetic divergence to fit the subspecies model of race.
A Public Education Program". Evolution in an Anthropological View. American Journal of Physical Anthropology: A Pilgrimage to the Dawn of Evolution.
We can all happily agree that human racial classification is of no social value and is positively destructive of social and human relations.
That is one reason why I object to ticking boxes on forms and why I object to positive discrimination in job selection.
However small the racial partition of total variation may be, if such racial characteristics as there are highly correlated with other racial characteristics, they are by definition informative, and therefore of taxonomic significance.
Race is a four letter word. Critical Philosophy of Race. The Metaphysics of Race" in Blackness visible: The Genetic Reification of Race? A Story of Two Mathematical Methods.
Critical Philosophy of Race http: Implications for biological race". Craig Venter at the Oxonian". New York University Press, , O Povo Brasileiro, Companhia de Bolso, fourth reprint, Race in Another America: The significance of skin color in Brazil.
Genetics and Molecular Biology. Brazilian Journal of Medical and Biological Research. Archived from the original PDF on 8 April Archived from the original on 23 September Prentice Hall Inc, Relevant extract available here "Archived copy".
Archived from the original on 24 February Icelandic Human Rights Centre. Archived from the original on 24 July Archived from the original PDF on 2 December Univ of Minnesota Press.
Office of Management and Budget. Archived from the original on 15 March Retrieved 19 March Hispanic or Latino Origin by Race. A companion to Biological Anthropology.
Controversies over race did not end in the s Alive and Well" PDF. The University of Chicago Press. Influence of Educational and Ideological Background".
Cartmill, Matt; Brown, Kaye A Reply to Lieberman, Kirk, and Littlefield". Race and Other Misadventures: From Morton to Rushton". Journal of Forensic Sciences.
Contemporary Science and the Nature of Race". In contrast, the recent attention on decreasing health disparities uses race and ethnicity not as explanatory variables but as ways of examining the underlying sociocultural reasons for these disparities and appropriately targeting attention and resources on children and adolescents with poorer health.
In select issues and questions such as these, use of race and ethnicity is appropriate. The Role of Ancestry". Classical and Contemporary Sociological Theory.
Recognizing Race and Ethnicity: Power, Privilege, and Inequality. Blacks and Changing American Institutions. Racial Formation in the United States.
Class, Race, and Gender in Sociological Perspective 4th edition. Archived from the original on 18 January Science, wherein the degree of correspondence between popular and professional racial categories can be assessed; and society at large, through which attitudinal factors moderate the relationship between scientific soundness and societal acceptance.
To accept race-as-proxy, then, may be necessary but insufficient to solidify the future of race-based pharmacogenomics. How do scientists construct and explain differences in health?
Can races be enumerated in any unambiguous way? Of course not, and this is well known not only to scientists but also to anyone on the street.
Genetics certainly plays a role in hypertension. But any role it plays in explaining such differences must surely be vanishingly small.
Classifications of ethnicity ". Retrieved 24 September Review of equality data: The New Press, , Explaining the IPV arrest decision: Incident, agency, and community factors.
Criminal Justice Review, ; Journal of Forensic Science Mar; 40 2 — Reality versus convention in forensic anthropology".
Craniometric variation is geographically structured, allowing high levels of classification accuracy when comparing crania from different parts of the world.
Nonetheless, the boundaries in global variation are not abrupt and do not fit a strict view of the race concept; the number of races and the cutoffs used to define them are arbitrary.
Abraham, Carolyn 7 April DNA gets a human face". The Globe and Mail. Retrieved 18 April Am J Phys Anthropol. A Bias in Biomedical Ethics".
Quality of life and human difference: Biological Reality or Social Construct? Angier, Natalie 22 August Retrieved 9 August Appiah, Kwame Anthony Africa in the Philosophy of Culture.
Armelagos, George; Smay, Diana A critical assessment of the use of race in forensic anthropolopy" PDF. Archived from the original PDF on 14 June The idea of race paperback.
Barbujani, Guido 1 June Classifying People vs Understanding Diversity". National Research Council U. Panel on Methods for Assessing Discrimination.
Genetics and the races of man: Little, Brown and Company. The History and Geography of Human Genes. Lay summary 1 December Race, Class, and Gender in the United States 7th ed.
Anthropologists and Racial Essentialism". Transformation and legitimation in antidiscrimination law".
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